Awe, Gratitude, Fear: Conflicting Emotions for Korean-Americans in the Era of Trump


The fight over immigration, however, is of little interest to many older Korean immigrants who arrived in the United States decades ago. Instead, they have been captivated by the momentous developments in their native country, after three detainees were released by North Korea this week.

“This is more than stopping nuclear proliferation for us — it is very personal,” said Ellen Ahn, the executive director of Korean Community Services, based in Buena Park. Ms. Ahn’s mother, who was a refugee from North Korea in the 1950s, walked south for days to escape the country when she was 9 years old. Ms. Ahn said she grew up hearing stories of her grandfather being captured by the North Korean Army. “It’s really recent history for our families, all of those kinds of memories are etched in our collective family consciousness.”

Like many of her friends, she stayed up all night watching the Korean-language news on the meeting last month between the leaders of North and South Korea. She texted her 73-year-old mother at 2 a.m. to see if she was watching. “She told me she was in her 12th hour and had been crying the entire time.”

The next morning, her parents went out to celebrate by eating Pyongyang-style cold noodles — the kind the North Korean leader, Kim Jong-un, brought to a banquet during the meeting with President Moon Jae-in.

“To see what is happening is joyous and dramatic,” she added. Ms. Ahn said that fissures between the generations over the Trump administration are not just over issues like immigration; they are also about language. Younger Koreans raised in America rely on English-language media, while older generations voraciously consume news directly from South Korean sources. “People have divided energies,” she said.

Korean-American citizens have historically not been a politically active voting block: Nationally, about 46 percent of eligible voters nationally cast a ballot in 2016, compared with 61 percent among adult citizens overall. This year, though, their vote could be crucial in several competitive congressional races in Orange County.

Statewide, roughly 54 percent of Koreans self-identify as Democrats, according to the National Asian-American Survey, far more reliably liberal than immigrants from China and Vietnam. Nationally, 75 percent of Koreans voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016, according to the same survey.

John Kim, who leads the Korean Federation of Orange County, said he voted for Mr. Trump in part because he believed his business background would help him solve intractable problems, like the Korean conflict.

“I supported him because he said he would do something,” Mr. Kim said. “He is honest and he is doing what he said he would do. He does not stand for nonsense. So to see this now, it is a relief.”

But among critics, anger toward Mr. Trump runs deep. Some view his past comments as racist, pointing to an incident earlier this year when he asked a Korean-American intelligence official, “Where are you from?” When she said she was from New York, he pressed to know where “your people” are from, suggesting the “pretty Korean lady” should negotiate with North Korea.

After Mr. Trump’s pre-dawn news conference on the tarmac, Korean-American leaders all over the country were struggling with how to rectify the White House’s paradoxical positions.

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At the Source OC in Buena Park, a bustling business district in Orange County, Calif., that serves as a kind of suburban Koreatown. More than 325,000 Koreans live in Southern California, with about a third in Orange County.

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Rozette Rago for The New York Times

“We see there are various, blatant contradictions in his general attitude and disposition,” said John Park, 44, the executive director of the MinKwon Center for Community Action, the leading Korean-American activist group in New York.

“In terms of North and South Korea, we do care about family unification; that’s something we’ve been hoping for, for a long time,” Mr. Park said. But, he added, “They are O.K. with splitting up families. They are really doubling down on that position, which is horrifying and inhumane to us.”

Even among those who support negotiations with North Korea, some Korean-Americans say they are skeptical the Trump administration will play a crucial role. Jung-woo Kim, who moved to Fullerton from South Korea when he was 15 and regularly speaks to friends there, said that it was Mr. Moon, the South Korean president, who deserved credit for the recent shifts.

“If you want to have peace, it’s Korean people’s work to do,” said Mr. Kim, who now works for the National Korean American Service & Education Consortium. “Whatever he is doing is not about helping our people. He thinks he deserves the Nobel Prize.”

Mr. Kim is among the activists who hope the fight over immigration will play a key role in the midterm congressional races in Orange County, where Democrats are trying win several seats. Local political experts say Korean voters in the county are evenly split, with about a third each registering as Republican and Democrats and the remainder choosing neither party.

Earlier this year, dozens of people gathered outside Representative Mimi Walters’s district office, urging her to do more to create a path to citizenship. Since Mr. Trump’s election, the activists have focused their ire on Ms. Walters, along with other Republicans in Orange County who are facing tough re-election bids this year.

“They haven’t done very much for us, even though there are so many people here impacted,” said Erica Kim, who has lived in Orange County for years and now works as a parent organizer at the Korean Resource Center. “My daughter thinks she is American. My friends, they want to do something to help her. I tell them: The only way we can change anything is vote and get people who are elected to listen.”

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Officers’ Names Remain Secret Weeks After Fatal Shooting of a Black Man in California


He said the church was filled on Friday with friends and family members who said their final goodbyes to Mr. Yarber — a father of three whose friends called him Butchie — and Barstow residents who called for justice.

“A lot of people talked about the need for ongoing protests and marches — a lot more than I would expect at a funeral,” Mr. Merritt said.

In a statement on Monday, the Police Department said officers responded to a report of a reckless driver on March 18 and Mr. Yarber fled when officers tried unsuccessfully to stop him. The statement said that further investigation showed that the car, a blue Hyundai, was stolen.

So when someone called to report a “suspicious vehicle” — the black Mustang — in a Walmart parking lot on April 5 and provided a license plate number, officers saw that it was registered to someone whose last name was Yarber and, once on the scene, recognized the driver, the statement said.

Officers told Mr. Yarber to get out but he did not, the statement said, adding that he “continued to accelerate his vehicle forward and in reverse toward the officers, almost hitting one officer” before striking the rear of another patrol car occupied by an officer.

The statement added, “The officers feared for their safety and the safety of others and an officer-involved shooting occurred.”

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Mourners at the funeral for Mr. Yarber.

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James Tensuan for The New York Times

The car was riddled with bullets. Mr. Yarber was killed and one of his three passengers was shot and hospitalized. She has since been released.

It all happened very quickly, said Marlon Hawkins, 41, who was in the front seat of the car at the time of the shooting.

He said they had just pulled in when several police cars arrived, boxing them in. There was a lot of yelling and then a lot of gunfire.

Mr. Hawkins said he jumped out of the car and onto the ground. He suffered injuries and was taken to the hospital for a few hours. He got a phone call and learned that Mr. Yarber was dead.

“I was just devastated,” Mr. Hawkins said. “It was just surreal. It was happening so fast, I couldn’t believe it. I was sick.”

Mr. Merritt has repeatedly called on the authorities to release the officers’ names.

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Flowers and candles were left in Mr. Yarber’s memory at a Walmart parking lot in Barstow, Calif.

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James Tensuan for The New York Times

In its statement, the Barstow police said they were “precluded by state law from providing or sharing any information related to the personnel records of the involved officers.”

The department said in its statement that the officers were wearing body cameras and that the footage was turned over to the San Bernardino County Sheriff’s Department. It has not been released publicly.

“This case is important because it really begins to explore the idea that law enforcement is above the law,” Mr. Merritt said.

Citing a California Supreme Court decision, Mr. Merritt argued that in the case of an officer-involved shooting, police departments that want to withhold names must show clear evidence that there would be a particular threat to officers involved if their names were made public.

“They’ve decided that they would go into a black box. It’s almost as if they’re hiding, waiting for everybody to go away,” he said. “We’re not going to go away.”

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With Taunts and Guile, the Golden State Killer Left a Trail of Horror


Beyond Sacramento, that year of 1977 unfolded apace: a new president named Jimmy Carter; a hot movie called “Star Wars”; the death of Elvis. But in and around the capital city of California, reports of yet another horrific attack by the East Area Rapist overshadowed everyday life, becoming the obsession of, among others, Detective Daly.

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The street where Mr. DeAngelo lived, in Citrus Heights, Calif.

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Jason Henry for The New York Times

The first occurred in June 1976. Then another in July, in August, in September. After several more in October, law enforcement officials announced that they were looking for one perpetrator tied to attack after attack. He came to be known as the East Area Rapist.

“The fear in the community was like something I had never seen before,” said Ms. Daly, who was part of a task force dedicated to the case. “People were afraid wherever they went.”

With good reason.

The rapist typically wore a ski mask, and usually wielded a gun. He tied up his victims, and issued threatening instructions through clenched teeth. He took mementos: photographs, jewelry, identification. He sometimes paused to eat or drink, as if to suggest he was perfectly at home with mayhem.

The attacks were devastating to women and their families. But Linda O’Dell, one of the victims, recalled Ms. Daly’s deftness, at a time when victims of rape were often re-victimized by the law enforcement procedures that followed. “She was a trailblazer,” Ms. O’Dell said of the detective. “She was very comforting to me.”

Investigators soon developed an outline of their suspect: an agile young man, just under 6 feet tall and with a size-9 shoe, whose tactical precision suggested military or law enforcement experience. He was also particularly audacious: After a local newspaper noted that he raped his victims when no man was at home, Ms. Daly recalled, he began assaulting women while tying up their husbands.

“He was so in tune with what we were doing and what was in the media,” she said. “And every time we would say, ‘Well, he didn’t do this,’ it was: ‘Ha-ha. I gotcha. I could do it.’”

This calculated audacity fed into the suspicion that, at the very least, the perpetrator had had law enforcement training.

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Mr. DeAngelo, second from left, was a police officer in Auburn, not far from where he had attended high school.

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Auburn Journal

“At the time,” Ms. Daly said, “it was a strong enough suspicion that he could have been law enforcement that all of the men in our department who matched his description came forward and got themselves eliminated,” through blood tests matched with a sample of the rapist’s blood.

Monica Miller, the head of the Sacramento F.B.I. field office from 2013 to 2017, agreed that the predator’s patterns suggested that he either knew what police would look for at a crime scene or had inside information into the investigation.

“He was extremely wily,” Ms. Miller said. “Just the way he was able to elude the U.S. He was smarter than the average person when it came to tactics or techniques.”

The rapist flashed his boldness again after that community forum at which the audience member expressed his doubt that a woman could be attacked with a man in the house. And the subsequent assault on his wife, Ms. Daly recalled, was especially savage.

“They were all savage,” she said. “But he just seemed to have spent more time in that home, with repeated assaults. I think he was thumbing his nose at everybody.”

At this time, Mr. DeAngelo was a police officer in Auburn, a community tucked into the Northern California foothills, not far from where he had attended high school. He wore the light blue uniform, patrolled the quaint streets, and responded to routine calls — all while the residents of Auburn were being rattled by reports of the serial attacker called the East Area Rapist.

Nicholas Willick, an Auburn police officer who served with Mr. DeAngelo and who later became police chief, recalled the tenor of the time, with people installing alarm systems, packing handguns and buying guard dogs.

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Katie and Brian Maggiore, were shot to death while walking their dog in the Sacramento County city of Rancho Cordova in 1978.

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FBI

“We were getting besieged with phone calls wanting an officer to come over to the house to make security checks and make suggestions on how they could make their houses more safe,” Mr. Willick recalled. “Because people were afraid.”

In February 1978, a married couple, Brian and Katie Maggiore, were shot to death while walking their dog in the Sacramento County city of Rancho Cordova. This, it would turn out, would be the first murder linked to the East Area Rapist.

The next year, in early July, Chief Willick fired Mr. DeAngelo from the police force after he was arrested for trying to steal a hammer and a can of dog repellent from a Pay ’n Save store by concealing them in his trousers.

Three months later, the serial rapist tied up a couple in the Santa Barbara city of Goleta, nearly 400 miles south of Sacramento. He fled on a bicycle after the woman began screaming.

The next month, in November, Mr. DeAngelo took the stand to deny that he was trying to steal the items. Found guilty, he was given a $100 fine and six months’ probation.

The rapes and murders continued for years, in California locations far beyond Sacramento County. All the while, Ms. Daly retained a large red binder packed with reports and photos and interviews — a resource she often shared with investigators who came after her.

“This is something that, once it’s been with you, it does not leave you,” she said.

In 1986, the predator’s 12-year spree of break-ins, violence and death stopped — at least, it seems, in California. Twelve dead, at least 50 women raped, and more than 120 homes burglarized.

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Mr. DeAngelo had his wrists shackled to his government-issue wheelchair on Friday at his arraignment in Sacramento.

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Jason Henry for The New York Times

The reasons remain unclear. Ms. Daly surmised that the killer had lost his agility to outrun police officers, or perhaps had come so close to getting caught that he decided to stop. “I felt that something happened that he just wasn’t able to do those crimes anymore,” she said.

Interest in the case waxed and waned over the decades. In 2001, advancements in DNA technology led to the establishment of a link between rapes in Northern California and murders in Southern California. In 2013, the crime writer Michelle McNamara shined a spotlight on the case with an article in Los Angeles magazine. And in 2016, the F.B.I. and the Sacramento County district attorney’s office announced a renewed effort to solve it.

Mr. DeAngelo and his wife had three daughters, but at some point the couple separated. He worked for more than a quarter-century at a distribution center for the Save Mart grocery story chain in Roseville, outside of Sacramento. He retired in 2017 and was noticed, if at all, for his painstaking lawn care, and for occasional outbursts of obscenity.

Then, on Tuesday, the police came for a fallen member of their fraternity. Ms. Daly, long-retired, was among those who got a heads-up call, and 40 years of emotions welled up.

“It’s been borderline tears from the time I got the phone call,” she said.

Late last year, law enforcement officials had uploaded the suspect’s DNA profile, culled from the scene of a 1980 double murder in Ventura County, to a website dedicated to genealogy. That approach was a Hail Mary from Paul Holes, an investigator with the Contra Costa County district attorney’s office who had worked the case for 24 years and was about to retire.

Four months of sleuthing on the genealogy website led to distant relatives of Mr. DeAngelo, and from there genealogists helped pinpoint Mr. DeAngelo himself — whose DNA, taken from items he discarded outside his home, was a match with the killer’s, according to the police.

On Friday afternoon, Mr. DeAngelo was rolled into a Sacramento County courtroom, his wrists shackled to his government-issued wheelchair. He wore an orange jumpsuit with “Sacramento Co Prisoner” stenciled in large letters on the back.

Judge Michael W. Sweet ascertained, after some difficulty, that the defendant’s name was Joseph James DeAngelo. He then recited the charges, including the murder of Katie Maggiore — “a human being” — and of Brian Maggiore — “a human being.”

The former police officer gazed at the judge, blinking slowly and with his mouth partly open, as if there were no words. Then he was wheeled away.

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Can a City Ditch the Power Company? Not Without a Fight


Critics of the San Diego plan — backed by an affiliate of the local utility, the San Diego Gas and Electric Company — have started a political-style ad campaign on social media, raising concern that taxpayers could be on the hook for billions of dollars if the program went wrong.

They have made the case that major changes to California’s energy policies gave rise to an energy crisis in 2000 and 2001 that caused rolling blackouts and soaring power bills. And they formed an alliance, the Clean Air Coalition, that includes leaders of organizations funded by the power company, among them a group of African-American pastors.

That’s when the campaign became more than Bishop George McKinney could stand.

Bishop McKinney, pastor of St. Stephen’s Cathedral Church of God in Christ here for the last 55 years, said he believed that those attacking the program, including fellow African-American clergy members, were doing so only because of financial support from the utility company.

“I think that the inner-city residents are being taken advantage of,” the 85-year-old bishop said. “The cost of energy now is escalating in the community. There has to be someone who is willing to speak truth to power.”

The move toward such government-run electricity programs, known as community choice aggregation, has been gathering steam over the last year in Southern California, with Los Angeles County adopting the effort and recruiting dozens of cities to enroll. Similar programs have been operating in Northern California for almost a decade.

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A work crew from the San Diego Gas and Electric Company, which is backing critics of the community choice proposal who say taxpayers could be on the hook for billions of dollars if the plan goes wrong.

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K.C. Alfred/The San Diego Union-Tribune, via Associated Press

Broad success of the community choice movement in California could contribute to a substantial reshaping of the West’s energy market. Managers of the state’s complex power grid would have to factor in the supply agreements struck by these new energy players while ensuring that service remained reliable.

San Diego Gas and Electric, a subsidiary of Sempra Energy, is one of California’s three big shareholder-owned utilities, along with Pacific Gas and Electric and Southern California Edison. Together they serve about 70 percent of California’s electricity customers and have been raising concerns about the impact of government-run utility programs on their businesses.

“We support customers’ right to choose an energy provider that best meets their needs,” said Helen Gao, a spokeswoman for the San Diego utility. “At the same time, we have an obligation to protect customers who remain.”

When local governments adopt community choice programs, they typically require the traditional utilities to maintain the network of power lines and often the billing for all customers. California programs are usually designed so that customers are automatically enrolled in community choice and must opt out to go back with the utility company.

Utilities argue that the required services impose an unfair financial burden on them and ultimately their remaining customers.

California regulators are expected to have a proposal by summer’s end about how much community choice programs should pay the power companies in so-called exit fees to make up for the loss of customers.

If the fees are too high, though, community choice provides no savings to consumers. If the fees are too low, the utility companies might not be able to cover their costs.

San Diego, like dozens of other cities nationwide, proposes to reach 100 percent carbon-free electricity. The city has a target date of 2035.

After reviewing feasibility studies, city leaders determined that one of the few ways they could reach their goal was through a community choice program supported by the development of new solar and wind facilities locally and with neighboring California counties. In addition, any cost to carry out the program would be recouped within five years, they said, citing a Northern California county that covered its $2.7 million in expenses within two years.

“I’m not saying these guys are bad and we’re the white hats,” Beth Vaughan, executive director of the California Community Choice Association, said about the utility companies. “What I’m saying is times are changing. It makes sense to me that the communities want to have a say.”

Mark Pruitt, principal of the Illinois Community Choice Aggregation Network, said savings to ratepayers through the state’s program had diminished over time from as high as 30 percent compared with the utility companies down to 5 percent or less.

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Haney Hong, co-chairman of an alliance that opposes the community choice program, questioned how such efforts met their clean-energy goals.

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John Francis Peters for The New York Times

When community choice programs begin, they have an advantage over utilities: Particularly with the falling prices of solar and wind power, they can often secure wholesale contracts at better terms than the long-term agreements that the incumbents are locked into.

In some cases, however, the utilities now offer lower rates in Illinois than the community choice programs, Mr. Pruitt said. Cities there determine each year whether to use the public program or the utility, based on the better deal. But about 50 to 60 percent of electricity customers in the state remain with the community choice programs.

“It has forced better practice throughout the utility sector in Illinois,” Mr. Pruitt said.

But the critics of San Diego’s community choice proposal said they worried that it could drain the city’s coffers.

“It may double the budget at a time when we don’t have the resources that we need,” said the Rev. Gerald Brown, co-chairman of the Clear the Air Coalition. “We don’t want any new taxes or any new rates at all.”

Mr. Brown runs a nonprofit organization, the United African American Ministerial Action Council, that receives financial support from San Diego Gas and Electric.

He said the support had nothing to do with his criticism of the community choice proposal. He said he was troubled by an estimate that it could cost the city up to $2.8 billion to support the program — a worst-case scenario that the city says it no longer includes in its estimates because it was too far-fetched.

Mr. Brown and members of the Clear the Air Coalition also contend that similar government-run utility programs are not producing new alternative-energy projects as they promise. They noted that the utility produced 45 percent of its electricity from carbon-free sources, and argued that community choice programs achieved their climate-friendly goals through purchases of clean energy credits rather than actual generation.

“We’re talking about possible environmental fraud,” said Haney Hong, another co-chairman of the coalition and the president and chief executive of the San Diego County Taxpayers Association. “I feel like folks might be sold a bill of goods.”

San Diego officials said the city was not including renewable-energy credits in its assumptions in becoming carbon-free. (San Diego Gas and Electric also benefits from renewable-energy credits, but says most reflect power sources created specifically for the utility.)

“It’s just a fear-based campaign,” said Nicole Capretz, executive director of the Climate Action Campaign, a group backing the community choice proposal, which she shaped while she was the city’s chief sustainability officer. “The utility is made whole. That’s what’s baffling.”

Bishop McKinney said he believed that opponents of the plan had made up their minds prematurely, taking a position that would ultimately harm the disadvantaged and minorities.

“I’m going to support the change,” he said, calling it “one possible means of equalizing and bringing justice to the table.”

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Golden State Killer’s Victims: The Families Who Never Gave Up Hope


Over the last several years, Ms. Domingo has immersed herself in the world of armchair detectives and online sleuths. She has spent hours on social media trying to be a “squeaky wheel” — putting together clues that might identify the killer. A handful of other victims joined together to do same, talking almost daily. They formed a kind of sorority based on shared pain and relentless focus. The process, Ms. Domingo said, was “therapeutic.”

“We just did not give up hope,” she said. “To see that the DNA matches came through, that he’s alive and that they have him in custody — that’s what we were all praying for.”

Close to Home

The Golden State Killer had terrorized one of his victims in the very town where Mr. DeAngelo was arrested Tuesday.

Linda O’Dell and her husband were sleeping in her Citrus Heights home in 1977 when she awoke to find a strange man in their bedroom, who told her not to move.

She thought she might be having a nightmare as the man tied them both up, so tight that her husband soon could not feel his hands. He untied her ankles and took her to the living room, where he held a knife to her throat and raped her. He stayed in the house, drinking beer, for several hours; before he left, he demanded her wedding band and engagement ring, warning her he would cut her fingers off if she couldn’t remove them. He also took her state photo identification, which would haunt her for years to come.

“I couldn’t identify him because he had a ski mask on the whole time,” Ms. O’Dell, 63, said. “But he had my photograph and my driver’s license, so I always had this fear that he could be standing next to me at the grocery story and I’d have no idea. That was always a fear.”

She could hardly believe that he had been living in Citrus Heights, so close to where he had attacked her. For a long time, she could not talk about what happened. Ms. O’Dell said her sister had provided comfort, moving in for a year after the attack because Ms. O’Dell was afraid to be alone while her husband was at work. She said she shared her story freely now because she felt more empowered.

“I was 22 years old and there was a lot of shame and there wasn’t empathy for victims. And I felt embarrassed. I felt judged. I didn’t feel like a victim back then. I didn’t want people to know it about me,” she said. “But I’m part of the Me Too movement now, and I feel like I’m strong and healthy. There’s power in being this way.”

‘I Was the Victor’

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Margaret Wardlow

Credit
Eros Hoagland for The New York Times

By the fall of 1977, the man who was then known as the East Area Rapist had been terrorizing women in the suburbs of Sacramento for more than a year. Margaret Wardlow, then 13, had been captivated by the case, reading about the methodical ways he had sought and attacked his victims.

Her mother, who was then 55, tried to assure her that they were too old and too young to make for appealing targets. But one night in November, Ms. Wardlow awoke to a man holding a flashlight in her face, whispering angrily. Initially, she thought it was a neighbor playing a joke to get her out of bed before school. Then, she saw a clock showing it was 2:30 a.m.

“Then I knew clearly: This is the East Area Rapist,” she said. “I knew he got off by frightening people and I thought the less enjoyable time he has here the better.”

Knowing that he had yet to kill anyone, Ms. Wardlow said she had focused on getting the rape over with. As he tied her up and blindfolded her, he asked if she wanted him to kill her mother or her. She recalled responding coolly, “I don’t care.”

While the attack was over within minutes, he stayed in her home for more than an hour. He had placed plates on her mother’s back, warning her he would kill her if he heard the plates rattling — just as he had warned the husbands of other women he raped.

He had entered through the sliding glass door upstairs and left through the front door, Ms. Wardlow said, turning on the kitchen sink and stove fan for ambient noise. She recalled hearing her mother screaming for help. Soon after, a neighbor arrived with a shotgun. Investigators later confirmed Ms. Wardlow’s hunch that she had been attacked by the serial rapist, who used the same method over and over again.

A couple of years after the attack, Ms. Wardlow and her mother moved to Orange County, Calif., where murders that the authorities believed to be linked to the same suspect had occurred. Her mother urged her to go to therapy, but she refused. Ms. Wardlow said that to this day she has not spoken of her attack to a professional.

It was only a year and a half ago, after Ms. Wardlow had searched “East Area Rapist” on the internet, that she realized the serial rapist who had attacked her had become a serial killer and was never caught.

“I always felt like I triumphed,” she said. “I felt like I controlled what happened as much as I could, I had influence over that night. I felt like I was the victor and I’ve always gone with that.”

‘He Deserves Terror’

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Jennifer Carole

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Nathan Weyland for The New York Times

Jennifer Carole had just turned 18 when her father and stepmother, Lyman and Charlene Smith, were murdered in their Ventura home in March of 1980. Her younger brother, then 12, found their bodies in their bedroom when he went to mow the lawn and heard their alarm clock going off. At first he thought nothing of it, but he grew concerned when it continued to ring.

The killer had sexually assaulted Ms. Smith and bludgeoned both husband and wife to death with a log from the fireplace. Their killing sparked enormous fear and unrest in the small town. Even with her own loss, Ms. Carole expressed sympathy for the surviving rape victims, who have had to carry their trauma with them for so many years.

“I don’t know what you do after you’ve been raped and terrorized,” she said. “The people who are alive, they are the ones that really suffered.”

Ms. Carole, now 56, said that after the murders she, as the oldest sibling, took methodical steps to manage the logistics involved, which she said helped give her a sense of order. It wasn’t until a year later, while at college, that she began experiencing panic attacks and difficulty focusing. Now living in Santa Cruz, she said she has seen a counselor about the trauma and that she and her brothers are living full, productive lives.

Still, she expressed immense relief that the killer was finally caught.

“He’s a narcissist and a psychopath. There isn’t a word we can say that will mean a thing to him,” she said. “I don’t want him on death row. He does not deserve a private room or notoriety. He deserves terror, just like what he did to us. He needs to be living in fear. That would be so highly satisfying for me.”

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Michelle McNamara Died Pursuing the Golden State Killer. Her Husband, Patton Oswalt, Has Questions for Him.


Now that a suspect in the killings has been identified, Mr. Oswalt said he felt a strange mix of elation and impending sadness that Ms. McNamara wasn’t alive to witness it.

“There’s exhilaration, and I don’t feel it now, but I can sense that tomorrow or the next day there’s going to be a huge drop in serotonin and happiness when I realize she really isn’t here,” Mr. Oswalt said in an interview. “There were insights and angles that she could keep bringing to this case.”

“I’ll Be Gone in the Dark,” which was published in February, helped reignite public interest in the decades-old cold case. It has sold around 150,000 copies and was optioned by HBO, which is adapting it into a documentary series.

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Patton Oswalt and Ms. McNamara in 2012.

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Matt Sayles/Associated Press

At a news conference held by law enforcement agencies to announce the arrest, an official said that the book “kept interest and tips coming in” and kept the case in the public eye, but noted that information from the book hadn’t led directly to Mr. DeAngelo’s arrest.

When Ms. McNamara died, the book was half finished. Mr. Oswalt was determined to see the project through. He hired Billy Jensen, an investigative journalist, and Paul Haynes, who worked with Ms. McNamara on the book as a researcher, to piece together the story, using her handwritten notes and the roughly 3,500 files on her computer.

The resulting book is a chilling and vivid narrative of a serial killer’s crimes, and a revealing account of Ms. McNamara’s obsession with the case and the psychological toll it took on her. It ends with a letter from Ms. McNamara to the killer, in which she predicts his eventual capture: “This is how it ends for you.”

“We have so many unsolved murders in America, and she was able to shed light on a few of them,” Mr. Jensen said.

Mr. Haynes said that after he heard a suspect had been arrested, he felt “excited, but also sad that Michelle’s not here.” Mr. DeAngelo’s name never appears in the book, and he wasn’t on their radar as a suspect, Mr. Haynes said.

“I finally had the name and the face that we’ve been seeking for seven years, the name and the face that Michelle died trying to uncover,” he said.

In a bizarre coincidence, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Jensen and Mr. Oswalt were all together at the book event in Chicago on Tuesday, and members of Ms. McNamara’s family were in the audience. A documentary film crew was shooting footage for the HBO series as the speakers speculated on how long it would take for a suspect to be caught, not realizing it had already happened.

At 4 a.m., Mr. Oswalt woke to a buzzing phone. Messages were pouring in with the news that there had probably been an arrest in the case.

Mr. Oswalt said that he hoped to visit Mr. DeAngelo and confront him with questions that Ms. McNamara planned to pose.

“It feels like the last task for Michelle, to bring him her questions at the end of her book — just to go, ‘My wife had some questions for you,’” he said.

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Michelle McNamara Died Pursuing a Killer. Now, the Police Say They Have Him.


Now that a suspect in the killings has been identified, Mr. Oswalt said he felt a strange mix of elation and impending sadness that Ms. McNamara wasn’t alive to witness it.

“There’s exhilaration, and I don’t feel it now, but I can sense that tomorrow or the next day there’s going to be a huge drop in serotonin and happiness when I realize she really isn’t here,” Mr. Oswalt said in an interview. “There were insights and angles that she could keep bringing to this case.”

“I’ll Be Gone in the Dark,” which was published in February, helped reignite public interest in the decades-old cold case. It has sold around 150,000 copies and was optioned by HBO, which is adapting it into a documentary series.

Photo

Patton Oswalt and Ms. McNamara in 2012.

Credit
Matt Sayles/Associated Press

At a news conference held by law enforcement agencies to announce the arrest, an official said that the book “kept interest and tips coming in” and kept the case in the public eye, but noted that information from the book hadn’t led directly to Mr. DeAngelo’s arrest.

When Ms. McNamara died, the book was half finished. Mr. Oswalt was determined to see the project through. He hired Billy Jensen, an investigative journalist, and Paul Haynes, who worked with Ms. McNamara on the book as a researcher, to piece together the story, using her handwritten notes and the roughly 3,500 files on her computer.

The resulting book is a chilling and vivid narrative of a serial killer’s crimes, and a revealing account of Ms. McNamara’s obsession with the case and the psychological toll it took on her. It ends with a letter from Ms. McNamara to the killer, in which she predicts his eventual capture: “This is how it ends for you.”

“We have so many unsolved murders in America, and she was able to shed light on a few of them,” Mr. Jensen said.

Mr. Haynes said that after he heard a suspect had been arrested, he felt “excited, but also sad that Michelle’s not here.” Mr. DeAngelo’s name never appears in the book, and he wasn’t on their radar as a suspect, Mr. Haynes said.

“I finally had the name and the face that we’ve been seeking for seven years, the name and the face that Michelle died trying to uncover,” he said.

In a bizarre coincidence, Mr. Haynes, Mr. Jensen and Mr. Oswalt were all together at the book event in Chicago on Tuesday, and members of Ms. McNamara’s family were in the audience. A documentary film crew was shooting footage for the HBO series as the speakers speculated on how long it would take for a suspect to be caught, not realizing it had already happened.

At 4 a.m., Mr. Oswalt woke to a buzzing phone. Messages were pouring in with the news that there had probably been an arrest in the case.

Mr. Oswalt said that he hoped to visit Mr. DeAngelo and confront him with questions that Ms. McNamara planned to pose.

“It feels like the last task for Michelle, to bring him her questions at the end of her book — just to go, ‘My wife had some questions for you,’” he said.

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Suspect Arrested in Golden State Killer Case After Decades


Photo

The Golden State Killer is thought to have killed 12 people, raped 45 people and burglarized more than 120 homes in multiple communities between 1976 and 1986.

Credit
Federal Bureau of Investigation

The authorities confirmed on Wednesday that they had made an arrest in the unsolved case of a serial killer and rapist who terrorized communities in California in the 1970s and 1980s.

Joseph James DeAngelo, 72, was arrested on a warrant from the Ventura County Sheriff’s Department and booked early Wednesday on two counts of murder, according to Sacramento County jail records. A person familiar with the matter confirmed that Mr. DeAngelo had been arrested in connection with the case.

The Golden State Killer, also known as the East Area Rapist and the Original Night Stalker, is thought to have killed 12 people, raped 45 people and burglarized more than 120 homes in multiple communities between 1976 and 1986. He raped and killed women home alone, women at home with their children, and husbands and wives from Sacramento to Orange County, the authorities said.

Shelly Orio, a spokeswoman for the Sacramento County District Attorney’s office, said only that there had been a “major development” when asked to confirm local news media reports that there had been an arrest in the case.

The Sacramento district attorney, Anne Marie Schubert, and Sheriff Scott Jones will announce the development in the case at 12 p.m. local time in Sacramento, Ms. Schubert’s office said.

In June 2016, the Federal Bureau of Investigation announced in a news conference that it would offer a $50,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the “prolific serial rapist and murderer.”

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Suspect Arrested in Golden State Killer Case After Decades


Photo

The Golden State Killer is thought to have killed 12 people, raped 45 people and burglarized more than 120 homes in multiple communities between 1976 and 1986.

Credit
Federal Bureau of Investigation

The authorities confirmed on Wednesday that they had made an arrest in the unsolved case of a serial killer and rapist who terrorized communities in California in the 1970s and 1980s.

Joseph James DeAngelo, 72, was arrested on a warrant from the Ventura County Sheriff’s Department and booked early Wednesday on two counts of murder, according to Sacramento County jail records. A person familiar with the matter confirmed that Mr. DeAngelo had been arrested in connection with the case.

The Golden State Killer, also known as the East Area Rapist and the Original Night Stalker, is thought to have killed 12 people, raped 45 people and burglarized more than 120 homes in multiple communities between 1976 and 1986. He raped and killed women home alone, women at home with their children, and husbands and wives from Sacramento to Orange County, the authorities said.

Shelly Orio, a spokeswoman for the Sacramento County District Attorney’s office, said only that there had been a “major development” when asked to confirm local news media reports that there had been an arrest in the case.

The Sacramento district attorney, Anne Marie Schubert, and Sheriff Scott Jones will announce the development in the case at 12 p.m. local time in Sacramento, Ms. Schubert’s office said.

In June 2016, the Federal Bureau of Investigation announced in a news conference that it would offer a $50,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the “prolific serial rapist and murderer.”

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Square Feet: After Years of Decline, a California Port City Sheds Its Past


Today, on some of those same corners, bulldozers and construction cranes work almost nonstop to transform Long Beach’s 1.38-square-mile downtown and outlying areas into a more vibrant urban center. Roughly three dozen projects, valued at around $3.5 billion, are underway or in the pipeline in one of the country’s largest continuing downtown redevelopments.

“The downtown is being reborn and recreated,” Robert Garcia, the mayor of Long Beach since 2014, said. “A lot of people view Long Beach as the kid sister to Los Angeles. It’s finally stepping into the national stage, and I’m really excited about the transformation.”

The whole world will get to see Long Beach’s shiny new self soon enough as Southern California prepares for the 2028 Summer Olympics and Paralympic Games. Los Angeles has been chosen as the host city, and several events are expected to take place in Long Beach.

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The Long Beach Civic Center is part of a $520 million overhaul that includes a new City Hall.

Credit
Jake Michaels for The New York Times

The changes to Long Beach — about 25 miles south of Los Angeles — began in earnest more than 15 years ago. The city began buying up nearly four dozen properties, including vacant lots and derelict buildings, through its redevelopment agency. The total purchases, over an area of about 25 square miles, were part of a more than $100 million spending plan that included improving infrastructure and beefing up the police force, said Patrick H. West, the city manager.

“We purchased liquor stores, parking lots, motels and apartments that were gang hangouts — 911 hot spots, according to the police — and relocated the displaced tenants,” Mr. West said.

The properties were later resold to developers, and new zoning regulations were put in place about five years ago to help speed up construction and building conversions.

“We became a land banker,” Mr. West said. “The objective was to change the neighborhood and blight, not to regenerate dollars.”

As a result of these efforts by the local government, many developers have been eager to do business in Long Beach, and companies like Virgin Orbit and Mercedes-Benz have found new homes there.

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