Meet the 7 Russian Oligarchs Hit by the New U.S. Sanctions

Those rumors have never been substantiated, but efforts to probe the company’s ownership and finances have sometimes proved perilous. Bill Browder, an American-born London-based financier who used to work in Moscow but now faces arrest if he returns, first came under attack from the Russian authorities for tax fraud and other alleged crimes after he started digging into the oil company’s affairs in the early 2000s.

One of the most secretive Russian tycoons, Mr. Bogdanov avoids flaunting his wealth. He is known as the “hermit of Siberia” because, unlike many Russian billionaires, he does not live in Moscow, but has stayed close to his Siberian oil fields.

Oleg V. Deripaska, industrial tycoon tied to Paul Manafort

Mr. Deripaska controls Basic Element, which in turn owns more than 100 Russian and international companies. He laid the foundation of his empire in the “aluminum wars” of the 1990s, a vicious struggle for control of natural resources in which he emerged triumphant, becoming the undisputed king of aluminum production in Russia.

Mr. Deripaska, 50, married Polina Yumasheva, whose father, Valentin Yumashev, worked for former President Boris N. Yeltsin and married Mr. Yeltsin’s daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko. Mr. Yumashev and Mr. Putin were both top aides to Mr. Yeltsin in the late 1990s.


Oleg V. Deripaska

Ruben Sprich/Reuters

Later, Mr. Deripaska employed Paul Manafort, the political consultant who later became director of President Trump’s 2016 campaign. Mr. Manafort has since offered to testify in an investigation into Russia’s role in the election. Mr. Deripaska and Mr. Manafort have since feuded, tangling over money that each accuses the other of owing.

Mr. Deripaska was at the center of a recent video investigation, put together by Aleksei A. Navalny, an anti-corruption campaigner and a vociferous opponent of President Putin. The investigation found that Mr. Deripaska organized an outing on his luxury yacht, attended by Sergei Prikhodko, deputy prime minister of Russia and a Kremlin foreign policy adviser, and female escorts.

Suleiman A. Kerimov, gold magnate and politician

Mr. Kerimov, 52, is both the owner of Polyus, Russia’s biggest gold mining company, and a member of the Federation Council, the upper chamber of Russian parliament. He has been under investigation in France for tax fraud and money laundering, suspected of buying several villas in Cap d’Antibes through shell companies.


Suleiman A. Kerimov


He was one of the main donors to the construction of Moscow’s cathedral mosque, which was opened by President Putin and Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2015. He is a native of Derbent, Dagestan, an ancient walled town in the North Caucasus, on the border with Azerbaijan.

Igor A. Rotenberg, heir to a construction fortune

Mr. Rotenberg, 44, is the son of Arkady R. Rotenberg, Putin’s former judo partner, and their family’s business fortunes have gone hand-in-hand with Putin’s political career. Igor Rotenberg is a junior partner in one of the country’s largest construction companies, controlled by his father and his uncle.

The family’s company was awarded lavish contracts to build pipelines for Gazprom, the state-controlled energy giant, and a bridge to Crimea, the Ukrainian Black Sea peninsula annexed by Russia in 2014. Igor Rotenberg owns 50 percent of a company that collects tolls from Russian truckers, who protested in vain in 2015 over what they denounced as extortionate fees.

His cousin, Roman Rotenberg, is vice president of the Russian hockey federation.

Kirill N. Shamalov, said to have been Putin’s son-in-law

Mr. Shamalov, 36, became a high-ranking executive and large shareholder of Sibur, a gas processing and petrochemical company, shortly before he married Katerina Tikhonova, who is widely believed to be Mr. Putin’s daughter.


Kirill Shamalov

Sergei Karpukhin/Reuters

In 2014, a year after their marriage, the state-owned Gazprombank lent Mr. Shamalov $1 billion, which he used to buy a much larger stake in the company, 17%, from Gennady Timchenko, a businessman and member of Putin’s inner circle. Around the time Mr. Shamalov was reported to have separated from Ms. Tikhonova, he sold roughly the same portion of the company’s shares.

Mr. Shamalov’s father, Nikolai, was a former member of the Ozero dacha compound near St. Petersburg, together with Mr. Putin.

Andrei V. Skoch, billionaire parliamentarian

Mr. Skoch, 52, a member of the Russian parliament, part owner of a steel company, and a shareholder in the investment conglomerate run by Alisher B. Usmanov, a close associate of Mr. Putin’s, who controls one of Russia’s largest phone companies.

Numerous media reports have linked Mr. Skoch to organized crime — specifically to the syndicate known as the Solntsevo gang.

Viktor F. Vekselberg, one of Russia’s wealthiest men

Mr. Vekselberg, 60, who is close to the Kremlin, is the founder and principal owner of Renova Group, a large investment conglomerate with an array of assets around the world, including metals production, energy, telecommunications and banking companies, and a number of Russian airports.


Viktor F. Vekselberg

Pavel Golovkin/Associated Press

Like many of Russia’s oligarchs, he capitalized on the fire sale of state-owned assets in the 1990s. But unlike some who are known primarily for crony capitalism and corrupt deals, Mr. Vekselberg is seen as a serious businessman.

Forbes Magazine estimates his worth at $14.6 billion, making him one of Russia’s ten wealthiest people, and the richest on the sanctions list.

In 2013, he opened the Faberge Museum in St. Petersburg in a lavishly restored former mansion, to display a collection of famed Faberge Imperial Easter eggs he bought from the Forbes family in 2004.

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From Thai Jail, Sex Coaches Say They Want to Trade U.S.-Russia Secrets for Safety

The aluminum tycoon, Oleg V. Deripaska, has close ties with Mr. Putin and with Paul Manafort, President Trump’s former campaign chairman, who has been indicted on money laundering charges by Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel looking into election interference.

The escort and her seduction coach have been held largely incommunicado since March 5, when reporters for The Times and other news media outlets were kicked out of the detention center for speaking to them. They now face deportation and fear what might happen to them if they are sent home to Russia, where they live, or Belarus, the former Soviet republic where they grew up, which remains firmly within Russia’s influence. (Mr. Kirillov was traveling on a Russian passport.)

Neither of them is accustomed to silence. They and their circle of friends say they make a habit of recording everything they do as they go about their campaign of teaching seduction techniques and trying their skills on strangers, sometimes in public.


Oleg Deripaska in Moscow in 2017. Ms. Vashukevich says she had an affair with Mr. Deripaska, a close ally of President Vladimir V. Putin, while working as an escort aboard his yacht in 2016.

Alexei Nikolsky/Russian Presidential Press and Information Office

The two were arrested along with eight others on Feb. 25 when dozens of plainclothes police officers raided a workshop they were conducting for Russian tourists at a hotel in Pattaya, about 70 miles south of Bangkok.

The seminar was aimed mainly at male Russian tourists and offered instruction in how to seduce women. It was not illegal.

The police arrest report says that a “foreign spy” infiltrated the Russian-language seminar and provided the Royal Thai Police with information about the training.

Cellphone messages show that the agent signaled the waiting officers when it was time to raid the Ibis Pattaya Hotel conference room.

The work permit charge is relatively minor, and Mr. Kirillov had been conducting training sessions in Pattaya for years. But high-level officials appeared to take an unusual interest in this case: Six police generals and two colonels had responsibility for the raid, according to the arrest report.

Since the arrests, the government has tried to keep a tight lid on information. Friends said they had not been allowed to visit Ms. Vashukevich and Mr. Kirillov for weeks.

A law enforcement official said the F.B.I. tried to speak with the two but was not successful.

A Thai police spokesman, Lt. Col. Krissana Pattanacharoen, would not comment on whether Russia was behind the arrests, but he said it was not unusual for the police to use foreign operatives.

“Investigations are not one size fits all,” he said. “It depends entirely on the situation.”

Few other police officials have been willing to talk about the case. The American Embassy in Bangkok declined to comment. The Russian Embassy asked that questions be submitted in writing, but did not answer them.

After the pair’s arrest, Mr. Kirillov sent a handwritten letter to the American Embassy in Bangkok asking for asylum for all 10 detainees. (At the time, Heather Nauert, a State Department spokeswoman, dismissed the case as “a pretty bizarre story” and indicated that the embassy had no plans to talk with them.)


The Russian opposition politician Aleksei A. Navalny included Ms. Vashukevich’s posts in a video in early February in which he made accusations about official corruption.

Maxim Zmeyev/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Financial records show that companies controlled by Mr. Manafort owed millions of dollars to Mr. Deripaska, the aluminum tycoon. During the 2016 race, Mr. Manafort offered to give him private briefings about the campaign, though there is no indication that the tycoon took him up on the offer.

Ms. Vashukevich, who goes by the name Nastya Rybka online and recounts her story in a book, “Who Wants to Seduce a Billionaire,” became an escort under the guidance of Mr. Kirillov, better known as Alex Lesley, who has gained popularity in Russia for his advocacy of sexual freedom.

At the time of the yacht visit, Ms. Vashukevich had shaved six years off her age to pose as 19. She was sent by a Moscow modeling agency to a yacht off Norway along with six other escorts, according to her account.

She said she followed Mr. Kirillov’s instruction to record all her interactions with her target, the yacht’s owner, who turned out to be Mr. Deripaska.

Ms. Vashukevich told The Times in a brief interview last month at the detention center that she had more than 16 hours of recordings from the yacht, including conversations with three visitors who she believes were Americans.

She has called herself the “missing link” in the Russia investigation.

Her posts from 2016 came to prominence only after Aleksei A. Navalny, a Russian opposition leader, included them in a video in early February that made accusations about official corruption. Mr. Navalny also charged that Mr. Deripaska had delivered Mr. Manafort’s campaign reports to the Kremlin.

“Deripaska simply transmits this information to Putin,” Mr. Navalny said. “He’s very close to Putin after all.”

Before traveling to Thailand, Mr. Kirillov grew worried about repercussions from the exposé and asked a childhood friend, Eliot Cooper, to contact United States authorities on his behalf, Mr. Cooper said.

Mr. Cooper, who lives in Canada, said in a telephone interview that he called an F.B.I. hotline in February and proposed trading the recordings for the pair’s safety.


Sergei E. Prikhodko, a deputy prime minister, left, Prime Minister Dmitri A. Medvedev and Mr. Putin, right, in Moscow in December. Ms. Vashukevich posted photos on Instagram of Mr. Prikhodko and Mr. Deripaska aboard a yacht.

Alexander Astafyev/Russian Presidential Press and Information Office

He said he had told the hotline agent about one recorded conversation in which Mr. Deripaska and Mr. Prikhodko discussed wanting Mr. Trump to win.

“I explained all of that to the F.B.I.,” he said. “They should have a transcript of everything and a recording of my voice.”

Mr. Cooper said he had never heard back from the agency. The F.B.I. declined to comment.

Mr. Cooper said that Mr. Kirillov had hidden copies and instructed associates to release them if he or Ms. Vashukevich were killed or went missing.

“There is no investigation,” Mr. Cooper said. “The Americans are not interested. They want them to disappear, and Nastya in particular, because she is a living witness.”

By the standards of Pattaya, a city notorious for its adult entertainment, the sex seminar for about 30 Russian tourists was tame.

A hotel spokeswoman, Joyce Ong, said the workshop was run like a “normal corporate seminar,” and she denied earlier reports that the staff had called the police.

None of those arrested were charged with sexual misconduct. Ms. Vashukevich was both Mr. Kirillov’s star pupil and one of the instructors at the seminars.

The chief of Thailand’s Immigration Bureau, Suttipong Wongpin, said his department had restricted the pair’s visitors because letting them talk freely could harm Thailand’s relations with the United States and Russia.

“The detainees,” he said, “will just say whatever they want.”

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